Addresses
The
We deem
it a privilege to be here today in
We would also extend Our thanks to Marshal Tito for acting as host at this
Conference and to the Government and people of Yugoslavia for the warm welcome
which has been accorded Us here, a welcome which We have come to know to be
characteristic of the friendly and generous Yugoslav nation.
We are particularly gratified at being able to speak to this Conference, called
to provide a forum wherein nations sharing common attitudes and facing common
difficulties may exchange views on some of the urgent problems which confront
the peoples of the world today, because among those gathered here are many
great world leaders, men whom We are privileged to call friends and whom We and
the peoples of the world hold in highest esteem. Their presence in this hall
augurs well for the success of our labors. We regret only that representatives
of other nations which We believe share views similar to ours are not also
numbered among those present here.
Critical Juncture In History
We are meeting at a critical juncture in history. Even within the confines of
these walls, the rattling of the sabres of the mighty powers clashes in our
ears. The dark and ominous clouds of world conflict loom threateningly on the
horizon. Both great power groups, while disclaiming any intention of initiating
aggression, have dwelt, in public utterances, upon their retaliatory might,
upon their power to destroy and devastate and, annihilate, upon their ability
to wage a war in which tens and hundreds of millions would be the victims, in
which, indeed, some of us fear that man himself might be exterminated. These
are grim days indeed, and we must call upon a high degree of courage to face
each new dawn and the dangers and decisions it brings. But at the same time, we
should not be cast into despair or deterred from attacking, with zeal and
energy, the problems which we have met to consider. Rather, and perhaps for the
first time, let us undertake a realistic and critical reappraisal of our role
in history and thus achieve a complete understanding of the full extent of our
involvement in present-day world events. We, personally, welcome this
opportunity to demonstrate the influence which the Non-Aligned nations can
bring to bear upon global problems and the full extent of the contribution
which We can make to their solution.
World's Major Challenges
The major challenges confronting the world today are two: the preservation of peace
and the betterment of the living conditions of that half of the world which is
poor. These are of course, mutually interdependent. Without peace, it is futile
to talk of improving man's lot; and without such improvement, the task of
guaranteeing peace is rendered many-fold more difficult. The assault on these
two problems must be made simultaneously, and all of our actions should be
taken with an eye to the solution of both. The nations which are represented
here today have answered an invitation to attend a Conference of Non-Aligned
States. We may usefully ask, as an essential first step in working out our own
terms of reference and in shaping a common approach to the problems we have met
to consider, what we mean by the term non-aligned.
We may say that no nation here feels itself so wholly within the sphere of
influence of either of these two great groups that it cannot act independently
of them and contrary to them whenever it so chooses and the interests of world
peace so dictate. We mean, in sum, that we are all, in the ultimate sense,
neutral in the cold war which rages unabated in the world today.
Neutrality
By the word "neutral" We do not, of course, mean that abstention from
political activity which has been for so long the hallmark of a Switzerland. We
can no more refrain from political activity in the year 1961 than man today can
voluntarily refrain from partaking of the radioactive fall-out which will be
bestowed upon him should a nuclear holocaust erupt on this globe. Nor does
neutrality mean that without taking sides, we content ourselves with urging
that the powers most intimately concerned negotiate in good faith to the
solution of the issues in dispute between them; we have passed the point where
prayerful pleading serves any purpose other than to debase those who thereby
abdicate any responsibility or power to influence events.
To be neutral is to be impartial, impartial to judge actions and policies
objectively, as we see them either contributing to or detracting from the
resolution of the world's problems, the preservation of peace and the
improvement of the general level of man's living conditions. Thus, we may find
ourselves now opposing, now supporting, now voting with, now voting against,
first the East, next the West. It is the worth of the policies themselves, and
not their source or sponsor, which determines the position of one who is truly
neutral.
This, We maintain, is the essence of non-alignment. Those who would righteously
denounce one side on every major problem or issue while reserving nothing but
praise for the other cannot claim to be non-aligned, nor can those whose
policies are shaped for them elsewhere and who wait patiently to be instructed
whether they are to be for or against be called uncommitted.
Friendly Relations
We in
Only this definition of non-alignment or, if we like, of neutrality, will serve
in the modern world if we intend honestly to bring our influence to bear on present-day
problems. It is in the implementation of this concept that we, the non-aligned
nations, have our role to play, a role which, unless we compromise it, can
contribute immeasurably to the twin causes of world justice and the betterment
of mankind. If we raise our voices against injustice, wherever it be found, if
we demand a stop to aggression wherever it occurs and under whatever guise and
brand the aggressor is such, and if we do so, on a wholly impartial basis, we
can serve as the collective conscience of the world. On the other hand, we will
quickly and surely sacrifice this privileged position if we reveal ourselves to
be biased on one side or the other from the outset, if we listen with only one
ear to only one side, and act in defiance of the principle of impartiality.
We Are Not A Power Bloc
For the fact is, and while the fact is hard it must be accepted if our
deliberations and decisions are to bear the stamp of sincerity and reality,
even the total combined weight of all of the uncommitted nations of the world
here today, plus those which are not attending this Conference, cannot, in
terms of pure power, be compared to the Western and Eastern powers. To cite but
one example, the population of a single nation,
We should not, however, under-estimate the extent of this strength, and
realistically appraising its worth, we must seek ways of exploiting it for the
good of mankind. In the struggle which we witness in the world today, two
groups compete for our support and our adherence to their policies. The leaders
and peoples of these two groups are both highly sensitive to our reactions to
their policies, and the potential impact of an aroused public opinion upon them
has. We believe, a far greater
significance than we have heretofore realized. Each side is fearful for its
cause and will reap satisfaction or dismay, as the case may be, from the
judgments which we pass upon their actions. If we remain faithful to the
principles of
Moral Element
But, in the exercise of this strength we must guard against the temptation to
seek to aggrandize our position by acting and voting as a group simply for the
sake of group action. For when we descend into the political arena as a
recognized and organized and disciplined unit, our moral influence and our
power to rally and shape opinion on questions of world import which is
otherwise our greatest strength is compromised and dissipated. Bloc action
implies, within the group, the exertion of pressures upon recalcitrant members,
the compromise of positions, the sacrifice of principle for political
expediency, the trading of votes for votes and adherence to the rule of the quid
pro quo. All of these are inconsistent with the real source of our power: the
moral element in the conduct of human affairs. How often have we all, at the
United Nations, witnessed the sorry spectacle of nations voting against their
will, against their own self-interest at times, as part of a bloc. And how have
we applauded the occasions when members of a group, in defiance, of the
policies and wishes of the group's leaders, have voted in accordance with
principle and right as they saw it.
We should be aware, too, that in relinquishing the role which we may play, if
we will, in insisting upon the devotion to principle which is the antithesis of
pure power politics, we play the game of those whom we seek to influence. When
no one upholds the cause of right and justice for their own sake, when the
small, still voice of conscience speaks no longer, immorality and lack of
principle have triumphed, and in this history all of mankind is the loser.
Role Of The UN
This leads Us into the next matter of which We would like to speak to you: the
supreme importance which we and particularly the smaller nations among us must
continue to attach to the role played by the United Nations in the field of
international relations. The United Nations, in the first instance, provides
the forum wherein we, who claim the freedom and the position to speak frankly
and openly against injustice, against desertion of principle, against the
intimidation, the oppression, the subjugation of the weak by the powerful, can
make our voices heard. We must be ever vigilant to assure that such an
institution is preserved to us. The year 1960 has been called the Year of
Africa - and rightly so. We would ask our fellow Africans to assess in their
own minds the significance of the role which the very existence of the United
Nations played in the liberation of the millions of Africans who in the past
few years have cast off the yoke of subjugation. This is not to say that the
United Nations is directly responsible for the coming of age of
Equally important, the United Nations provides the instrumentality whereby the
principle of Collective Security, to which We personally have devoted Our
lifetime, achieves real and tangible existence and meaning. If force must be employed
in the world today in resistance to aggression and in the maintenance of world
peace, surely it is preferable that it be employed through an institution such
as the United Nations, in pursuance of international decisions legally and
openly arrived at there.
Who Gains From The UN
Let us not delude ourselves, it is not the great powers that need or benefit
from the existence of the United Nations. It is the small powers, which depend
on and require and demand that it live. It is we who have the most to gain
through the successful achievement of its goals, it is we who have the most to
lose should it one day be relegated to a tidy niche in history, a niche already
occupied by the
But in the face of world opinion, massed in support of right and justice, We
venture to suggest that even the great nations, powerful as they are, will
hesitate to breach the peace and violate fundamental rights of mankind and of
nations, in defiance of the United Nations, and thus face universal
condemnation. This is our hope, our only hope, and it is our obligation to
insure that the full weight of our influence is solidly ranged on the side of
right and justice in this forum.
United Nation's Enemy - Our Enemy
In our appraisal of the United Nations, of its structure and the field of
action proper and appropriate to it, we must recognize the historically
demonstrated fact that a willful and deliberate violation by any member state
of its obligations under the United Nations Charter weakens the United Nation's
prestige and threatens its destruction. Let us speak frankly; he who acts
deliberately and with calculation to the injury of the United Nations, to
weaken it or to endanger its existence as an effective and energetic
international institution, is the enemy of all of us. He robs the world of the
last, best hope for peace, robs the small nations of that bulwark which the
United Nations provides against oppression and he deprives them of the forum
where their voice may be raised against injustice and oppression. It is,
perhaps, no accident that the United Nations headquarters resembles a structure
of glass. It is a fragile, not an indestructible, institution.
At the same time, we need not delude ourselves, that the performance of the
United Nations has been, at all times and on an questions, that which we might
have wished. The United Nations is man-conceived and man-run, and hence, by its
nature and by the nature of man, imperfect. We must be constantly alert to
improve and perfect its machinery, to minimize the risk that in time of crisis
it will fail us, to assure that its decisions are founded on principle and not
on bias and prejudice.
The most obvious defect which We observe in the United Nations today derives
from the fact that this Organization, in 1961, remains the self-same entity
which was created sixteen years ago at
We must, too, observe that the United Nations can scarcely fulfill the role
envisaged for it by its founders so long as hundreds of millions of people
remain unrepresented there. We refer now not merely to those whose independence
is yet to be attained but, as well, to those states, primary among which is the
People's Republic of China, which have thus far been excluded from a seat in
its councils. We can hardly speak with true sincerity of a universal meeting
place or of an organization whose decisions will be binding upon the world
community of nations when states which we, the non-aligned countries, would
wish to influence are not present to hear our words or to feel the weight of
our opinions. We urge both the proponents and the opponents of the admission of
such states to seek an acceptable formula whereby those to whom We refer may
soon be counted among the members of the Organization.
The Future
In dealing with present problems, which at the moment appear so overwhelming,
let us, at the same time, do so with a clear eye to the future. Let us be
far-seeing in our actions. There is no area to which this rule does not apply,
and We would seek to apply it specifically, at this moment, to the problem of
colonialism.
We have spoken of the part played by the United Nations in contributing to the
decline of the system of colonialism. Although herself never colonized,
It is clear to Us that colonialism, defined in the classic sense, is forever
finished, both in
At the
same time that we applaud the serpent of colonialism in breathing its last, and
while we strain our every effort to speed its unlamented demise, we must look
beyond it to the problems which remain, several of which, indeed, are created
or at least intensified by the disappearance of colonialism from the world
scene. We must recognize and deal with the attempts being made from all
quarters to perpetrate colonial exploitation under new forms and to introduce
into our continents a new system no less inimical to freedom and liberty.
Complete Responsibility For Africans
In the task which remains of exterminating the last remnants of colonialism, We
maintain that we need no longer search for or call upon foreign assistance.
Speaking now only for
For above all else, we must ensure that the cold war shall not be imported into
the African continent. African soil, for so long the battleground in the
struggle of the African peoples for freedom, must not and shall not now be
transformed into a field of hostilities in the cold war. Such a development
could nullify the conflict from which
We here are all dedicated to the betterment of the conditions of man's life; we
all know the sorrows and misery of those who do not live but merely exist, the
lot of men whose living conditions are sub-standard. But when We speak of the
betterment of man's life, We mean not merely the economic improvement of living
standards; We refer, in addition, to the spiritual conditions in which man
lives, for just as a man without means to feed his hunger and to clothe his
nakedness can take no pride in his existence as a human being, so, also is one
who is reviled and discriminated against because of his race or religion,
robbed of his self-respect and human dignity.
Racial Discrimination
The spectre of racial discrimination which has for so long cast its dark and
evil shadow over much of this globe is slowly disappearing. Men are coming
increasingly to be judged by their talents and abilities rather than by the
less meaningful and far more superficial standards of race and religion. But
there yet remain those who, in their bigotry and ignorance, resist this
flooding tide, and it is against these that our efforts must be directed. The
struggle to win for our brothers in South Africa that status as free men, free
to stand, heads high, among free men as equals, which so many millions of
Africans and Asians have attained but yesterday, goes on. Our duty is not
discharged, our course is not run, our victory not won so long as apartheid,
the legitimized policy of the Government of the Union of South Africa, prevails
in any area of the world.
In
Apartheid Must Be Discredited
The African states have already imposed direct sanctions in the economic and
diplomatic fields in an attempt to influence the policies of South Africa and
to convince the South African leaders that it is, in no sense, in their
interest to adhere to this policy. We should, during this Conference, consider
if there are not additional measures which we may adopt to speed the inevitable
day when the policy of racial discrimination and the principle of apartheid are
discredited and abandoned.
But let us take pride in the fact that as free men we attack and abhor racial
discrimination on principle, wherever it is found and in whatever guise. We
can, in addition to the economic pressures of which we dispose, bring our moral
weight to bear and rally world opinion to our cause by revealing the brutality,
the inhumanity, the inherent viciousness and evil represented by this policy.
It is only natural for man to strive towards a better life, to wish to educate
his children while he himself was uneducated, to desire to shelter and clothe
them while he himself was naked and scourged by the elements, to strive to
spare them from the cruel diseases by which he, himself was ravaged. But when these
ends are realized at the expense of others, at the cost of their degradation
and poverty, these desires, which are not intrinsically immoral or pernicious
in themselves, must be frustrated, and the means by which these otherwise
legitimate ends are sought to be attained must be scorned and shunned.
We ourselves, the non-aligned nations of the world, seek no less than others
these same objectives. And it is not by mere chance that we also count among
our number the great majority of the underdeveloped nations of the world, for
not until the direction and determination of man's fate is firmly within his
own grasp can he devote the totality of his strength to his own good.
Financial Assistance
In order to speed our economic development, most of us require extensive
external financial assistance. We need not be ashamed of this fact,
particularly when the poverty and ignorance from which our peoples suffer have
been perpetuated through the deliberate and long-standing policies of others.
It is surely in the interest of those who look to the uncommitted world to
swing the balance between West and East that we be economically strong and free
of crippling bonds which would limit our freedom of choice. Only if the
non-aligned nations have a real opportunity of choice can their adherence to
and support of their policies be of value; a choice dictated by others or
imposed by outside influence is a meaningless choice.
We believe that on this score the conscience of the world has been awakened,
and that the vast majority of men today recognize the truth of what we say.
There are those, however, who raise their voices in alarm warning us that this
assistance is designed only to impose upon us another but equally insidious
form of subjugation. With this We do not agree. We believe that it is possible,
for all of us to receive assistance from diverse sources without compromising
that independence and impartiality which We have already declared should be the
hallmark of the nations represented here.
Aid Programs
Nonetheless, this fear exists, and when it is coupled with the fear that two
assistance programs carried on within the same area by competing power
groupings will ultimately result in the importation into our countries of the
very cold war from which we seek to disengage ourselves, a powerful and
compelling argument for multilateral rather than bilateral assistance is made.
Happily, there already exists, in the United Nations, the effective means for
the channeling and administration of massive aid programs free of these
attendant dangers. Considerable progress has already been made in this realm,
and we all have cause to be heartened by the ever-increasing role which the
United Nations is playing in this field, a role which is financed by the
contributions of those who, recognizing the validity of our fears, are prepared
to accept this technique as a means of meeting them at no sacrifice to the
advancement and enlightenment of the under-developed peoples. In enlarging the
scope of the United Nations operations in the field of economic development, we
also strengthen its position and heighten its stature as an international force
for the preservation of peace.
It is one of the tragedies of our day that while half of the world's population
is wracked by a never-satisfied hunger and remains poverty-stricken,
disease-ridden and ignorant, vast amounts are spent by great powers on
armaments money which, if diverted to satisfying the basic human needs of the
poorer people of the world, could transform their lives and restore to them
their human dignity, their happiness in the present and their confidence and
faith in the future. No nation is possessed of limitless riches, and each
heightening of world tensions and the force expenditure which calls forth
greater military strength on the part of those to whom we look for aid, serves
to lessen the sums available to fight misery, and the great nations cannot,
even if they would, enlist their full support in this battle.
The Cold War
And yet, while we await hopefully that measure of assistance which, coupled
with our own resources, could assure the ultimate triumph of the
under-developed peoples over their poverty, the rich and powerful boast of the
size of their military arms and the might of their forces. The one claims that
it will spend the other into bankruptcy and collapse - a most worthy and noble
objective. We must recognize that the cold war poses not only a military
danger; the cold war robs the under-developed nations of their hopes for a
happier and more prosperous future. Much emphasis has been laid on the risks to
man's life on this planet which a world arms race carries with it, and too
little recognition has been given to side-effects and indirect consequences of
astronomical military spending. Disarmament must be achieved not only because
in this fashion will the threat of a world holocaust be dispelled, but, equally
because only through a drastic reduction in the military budgets of the great
powers can the vast resources required to raise all of mankind to the level of
free men be freed for these purposes.
The agenda which has been placed before us at this Conference is ambitious in
the extreme. In effect, we are to pass judgment, in one way or another, on
virtually every question of significance which confronts the world today. This
is as it should be; once having taken our places as responsible, intelligent
members in the international family of nations, we cannot shirk our- consequent
duties.
This agenda raises both questions of principle and questions involving the
application of accepted principles to specific problem areas. Both types of
questions pose equally great difficulties, and there are no easy answers to the
problems before us.
Right of Peoples
We may cite one example arising out of the very language of the Charter of the
United Nations. We are to discuss during this Conference, the right of peoples
and nations to self-determination, a right which is an issue in various regions
of the world today. We are also called upon to reaffirm our respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the principle of
non-interference and non-intervention in their internal affairs, principles
which have demonstrated their essential worth and validity in the field of
international relations many times over and to which we believe all here are
wholly dedicated.
We deign to suggest that there is some inconsistency, some internal
contradiction between these principles when closely linked together, whereas
considered separately and apart, none would deny them at least lip service. Can
a Government which overtly or covertly supports the violation of the
territorial integrity of another state justify its actions on the ground that
it seeks only to implement the principle of self-determination for all or a
portion of the people of that nation? We think not. To contend contrariwise is
to adopt the thesis of Adolf Hitler, who contended, in support of the action of
the Third Reich in incorporating
Peaceful Co-existence
Similarly, when we consider the topic of peaceful coexistence among states with
different political and social systems, we must guard against careless use of
terms or language which, for different people, have different meanings.
Peaceful co-existence is not merely the absence of war. It embraces
non-interference and non-intervention in the domestic affairs of others,
refraining from propaganda activities calculated to create disharmony among
states short of war or among peoples of the same nation, the cessation of
subversive activities designed to ferment civil disorder and revolution in
other nations, and the like. The word itself is an empty bottle; it is for us
to give it content and meaning.
In considering the specific problems before us, We find hardly more cause for
optimism or for hopes of easy and early solutions. But, to revert to a theme
earlier sounded, that upon which
The entire world has been saddened and disheartened by the recent bloodshed at
Bizerta; where gallant Tunisians died in seeking only to regain for their
nation those last few acres of Tunisian soil still dedicated to the maintenance
of military bases. We sorrow that peaceful discussion failed to lead to a
peaceful evacuation of this base. While reaffirming the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of the nation of
On the continent of
Conflict Reigns
As our gaze travels over the map of the world, we find no quarter wholly free
from problems which threaten the preservation of the peace. In
Also in
When we speak of urgent problems, when we look to those regions most likely to
emit the spark whereby the conflagration of a general war threatening the
destruction of us all may be ignited, Our gaze is inexorably drawn to Berlin,
an unhappy city, a city split in twain, a city divided against itself and
isolated from the rest of the German people by barriers far more compelling and
restraining than mere barbed wire or steel barricades. Among the many lamps
signaling danger to peace, that of
The
Where are we, the non-aligned states, to turn in seeking the solution to
And so, again, We come to the United Nations. Is it inconsistent with Our own
life or the principles by which We have guided Our nation throughout Our
lifetime that We should do so? Surely, a nation as ill and cruelly served as
was Ethiopia twenty-five years ago before the League of Nations, another
tribunal which claimed to act, as a single body, in the protection of the peace
and the preservation of the interests of its smallest and weakest member,
should have profited by its error long since.
No, for us, for the small, the weak, the under-developed, there is nowhere else
to go. If we turn to one or another of the major power groups, we risk
engorgement, that gradual process of assimilation which destroys identity and
personality. We must, by force of circumstances, look to the United Nations,
however imperfect, however deficient, to preserve the peace and to lend us its
support in our endeavors to secure a better life for our peoples, and we must
concentrate our efforts, little or great, to the achievement of its stated
ends, for only thus can we secure our free and continued existence.
Incapable Of Despair
This is not a counsel of despair. Our own life has demonstrated that We are
incapable of despair. Men will die in defense of principle; men will sacrifice
their all rather than compromise themselves and renounce that which
distinguishes them from the beasts - their moral faculty. If this force in men
can but be awakened and focused on the problems of each day, we shall, God
willing, survive each day to the dawn of each tomorrow, and in this survival
guarantee to our children and our children's children a lifetime of peace and
security, under justice and right, and under God.
- His
Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I